A Measured Response to Alhaji Bashir Dalhatu and the ACF: On Legacy, Leadership, and Northern Nigeria’s Path Forward.

Alhaji Bashir Dalhatu, the Wazirin Dutse, delivered a stirring and well articulated speech at the July 2025 Arewa House session, raising concerns that many across Northern Nigeria genuinely feel. Insecurity, deepening poverty, poor federal allocation formulas, and the steady collapse of education are not imaginary problems. They are real and urgent. But while it is necessary to acknowledge the message, it is equally important to reflect on the record of those delivering it.

The challenges Nigeria faces today are not confined to the North. Banditry in Zamfara has killed over 2,000 people in 2024, per security reports, while IPOB-related violence in the Southeast claimed 300 lives in the same period. Poverty in Sokoto, with 87% of residents below the poverty line, mirrors the 70% poverty rate in Ebonyi. Lagos struggles with urban overcrowding and annual flooding that displaces thousands. These are national crises, and reducing them to regional grievances risks missing the broader picture. If the ACF must position itself as a voice of conscience, it must begin from a position of honest self appraisal, not just what is being said, but who is saying it and what they did when they had the chance.

Walin Dutse is no outsider to public office. He served as Chairman of the Nigerian Agricultural Bank from 1991 to 1993, was Minister of Transport and Aviation, then Minister of Power and Steel, and later Minister of Internal Affairs. Since 2015, he has been Chairman of the New Nigeria Development Company (NNDC), the investment vehicle of the North. This is a man who had access to significant power and influence at critical moments in Nigeria’s history. Yet, his record, like that of many ACF leaders. is thin on lasting impact. The Mambilla Power Project, which he now champions, was already on the table during his time as Minister of Power and Steel. It was not delivered. The NNDC, under his leadership, has failed to emerge as a credible engine for regional development. We cannot speak of marginalization without asking what was done with the resources, mandates, and institutions already in Northern hands.

Walin Dutse is not alone in this. The ACF’s history includes leaders like General Yakubu Gowon, Head of State from 1966 to 1975, who oversaw early plans for Ajaokuta Steel but left it incomplete; Alhaji MD Yusufu, Inspector General of Police from 1975 to 1979, who failed to establish lasting security frameworks in the North; and Chief Gabriel Aduku, Minister of State for Health until 2003, whose tenure saw no significant reforms to address the North’s healthcare deficits. With such a roster of experienced leaders, one would expect a legacy of transformative initiatives, institutions, or reforms. Sadly, the North’s current state suggests otherwise.

The ACF must also be reminded that accountability does not stop at the federal level. If Northern governors are not held to the same standards as Abuja, the entire advocacy effort loses credibility. Between 2020 and 2024, Kano and Borno States alone received over ₦500 billion in federal allocations. Yet, Kano has 1.5 million out of school children, and Borno has 1.8 million, according to UNESCO. Kaduna State, with all its rhetoric on reform, allocated just 2% of its 2024 budget to agriculture, despite the centrality of farming to its economy. Meanwhile, security votes across the North routinely exceed ₦10 billion annually, yet communities remain at the mercy of bandits. What has the ACF said about this? What has it done? The governors control education, health, and local security infrastructure. They are not distant actors. They are the frontline stewards of development. If they are not delivering, that is where the loudest criticism should begin.

It is misleading to suggest that only the North is suffering. The removal of fuel subsidies in 2023, though painful, boosted state revenues, with Kano and Kaduna each receiving over ₦300 billion in 2024, per the Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission. No state has reported inability to pay salaries or fund projects. Yet, persistent issues like out of school children and insecurity point to a lack of effective governance, with states failing to prioritize education, agriculture, or local security despite increased resources. The issue is not just funding, it is direction and accountability.

What then should the ACF do if it seeks relevance in this moment?

First, it must become a platform of introspection, not just complaint. The same courage it uses to confront Abuja must be used to challenge the North’s own governors, lawmakers, traditional institutions, and business class. 

Second, it must propose solutions. A regional performance dashboard, publicly tracking metrics like school enrollment rates, hospital bed availability, agricultural investment per state, and security incident reductions, would hold leaders accountable and guide policy. 

Third, the NNDC must be repositioned to work with the private sector, not as a passive asset holder, but as a vehicle for agro-industrial investment, training, and youth led innovation. 

Fourth, the ACF should mobilize traditional rulers and religious scholars to promote campaigns like “Every Child in School” or community peace dialogues, leveraging their moral authority to drive education and conflict resolution.

Elder statesmen like Alhaji Bashir Dalhatu and the broader ACF leadership, for as long as God preserves them with us and in good health, will always have a role to play. But their authority must be tied not just to what they once were, but to what they now contribute. Leadership is not only about demanding progress, it is also about acknowledging when and where one fell short. The region deserves advocacy grounded in both reflection and responsibility. Northern development is not a favour, it is a duty. And those who fell short in the past must join hands with those striving today, building a future through shared accountability and action.

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